Da li mislite da je državni kapitalizam bolji nego tržište? Razmislite ponovo! Predavanje: G. M. Tamaš

 

 

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Druga scena Vas poziva na predavanje sa diskusijom
 
Da li mislite da je državni kapitalizam bolji nego tržište? Razmislite ponovo!
G.M. Tamaš
 
Magacin u Kraljevića Marka
(Kraljevića Marka 4)
 
petak, 19. oktobar u 19.00
 
 
Kriza je inspirisala brojne teorije o njenim uzrocima i mogućim rešenjima. Nalik ratnim sukobima generali pokušavaju da pobede u finalnoj bitci. Pobeđuje onaj ili ona koji prestaje da gleda u sopstvenu herojsku ratnu prošlost. Većina predloga, u pravom trenutku pokušava da se vrati (a) nekoj vrsti kejnezijanskog rešenja u vidu države blagostanja (b) pozivajući se na društvenu pravdu (c) okrivljujući tržište - a ne kapitalizam kao takav - za neuspeh sistema i zastrašujuće posledice. Ti predlozi, međutim, ignorišu neporecivu činjenicu da su obe verzije države blagostanja, kako socijal-demokratska, tako i boljševička, kolapsirale pre četvrt veka. Ove promene nije pre svega doneo neo-konzervativni zaokret - pored očiglednih tehnoloških i biopolitičkih transformacija koje karakterišu period o kojem je reč - već njihove korene možemo tražiti u samom pokretu, naročito onom 1968. (i u Italiji 1969-79) koji je želeo da se oslobodi konformističkog, statičnog, represivnog, heteronormativnog, autoritarnog, nacionalističkog i militarističkog društva koje je pomoglo održavanju i delimično nastanku države blagostanja.  
 
Dogodilo se upravo ono što je Gramši nazivao "pasivnom revolucijom". Subverzivna, libertarijanska strana 1968. je isparila i novi kognitivno-digitalni kapitalizam, nestanak fizičkog rada, privatizacija gotovo svega, masivna ulaganja u kreativnost u proizvodnji su ponovo investirale u novoosvojenu slobodu rasta kapitala. Rezultat toga je sistem koji je nehuman kao i bilo koji drugi koji mu je prethodio i koji je transformisao kapitalizam u realno totalno okruženje u kojem ne postoji nikakva spoljašnjost, kao što je ranije bio slučaj.
 
Međutim, zastarelost industrijskog proletarijata (i samim tim radničkog pokreta) i individualnog preduzimača (odnosno buržoazije), bez fundamentalne promene u prirodi rada i vlasništva, nije nešto čemu državna interferencija može pomoći. Ukoliko ne postoje kontra-hegemone snage koje bi je kontrolisale (a njih očigledno ne može biti) država će nastaviti sa svojom tekućom politikom i zakoračiti u intenzivnu represiju. Ljudi moraju shvatiti da su trenutni neo-konzervativni juriš na prava svih implementirale državne vlade, a ne  British East India Company ili Goldman Sachs. Nema kapitalizma bez jake države (i takvog kapitalizma nikada nije ni bilo) - oni će ili nestati zajedno ili neće nestati uopšte.
 
G. M.Tamaš je mađarski filozof, političar, publicista. Studirao je filozofiju i klasičnu filologiju u Rumuniji. Bio je jedan od najznačajnijih protivnika rumunskog i mađarskog realsocijalizma. Predavao je u Budimpešti (ELTE, odnosno CEU), zatim na univerzitetima u inostranstvu (Oksford, Čikago, Džordžtaun, Jejl, Kolumbija, itd). Godinama je bio istraživač u različitim gradovima (Pariz, Beč, Berlin...). Početkom 90-ih je bio direktor Instituta za filozofiju u Budimpešti. Njegovi radovi su prevedeni na 14 jezika. Bavi se, pre svega, filozofijom politike. Sredinom 90-ih je postao jedan od glavnih levičarskih intelektualaca u Evropi. Bio je predsednik Zelene levice. Pre godinu dana je u Beogradu održao govor na prvoj večeri blokade Filozofskog fakulteta.


Predavanje će biti na engleskom jeziku bez prevoda. 
Predavanje je finansijski podržano od strane fondacije Roza Luksemburg.
 
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Other Scene invites you to lecture with discussion
 
Do You Think State Capitalism is Better than the Market? Think Again! 
by G. M. Tamás
 
Magacin u Kraljevića Marka
(4, Kraljevića Marka street)
 
Friday, October 19, 7 p.m.
 
The crisis has inspired a lot of theories about its causes and about the possible solutions.
Like in military conflicts, generals are trying to fight the battles of the last war. He or she who stops looking back at his or her glorious warrior past, wins.
Most propositions, in a time-honoured fashion, are trying to return (a) to some kind of Keynesian, welfare-state solution, (b) invoking social justice, (c) blaming finance - and not capitalism as such - for the failure of the system and for the horrible consequences.
 
They ignore the undeniable fact that both major versions of the welfare state, the Social Democratic and the Bolshevik one, have collapsed about a quarter of century ago. And it was not only, and not even chiefly, the neo-conservative turn which caused the changes - apart from the technological and biopolitical transformations - but the movement itself, especially 1968 (in Italy, 1969-79) which wanted to get rid of the conformist, stationary, repressive, heteronormative, authoritarian, nationalist, militaristic society that the welfare state helped to keep this way and has, in part, created.
What had happened, was exactly what Gramsci called a 'passive revolution'. The subversive, libertarian side of 1968 evaporated, and the new cognitive-digital capitalism, the retrenchment of physical work, the privatisation of almost everything, the massive investment of creativity in production has re-invested the newly won liberty in capital growth. The result is a system which is as inhuman as any of its predecessors, and which has transformed capitalism into a really total environment where there is nothing outside it, as it used to be the case.
 
But with the obsolescence of the industrial proletariat (and thus, of the workers' movement) and of the individual entrepreneur (hence, of the bourgeoisie), without a fundamental change in the nature of work and of property, state interference as such is unlikely to help. If there are no counter-hegemonic forces to control it (and there cannot be) the state will continue the present policies and step up intensive repression. People must understand that the present neo-conservative onslaught on everybody's rights has been implemented by governments, not by the British East India Company or by Goldman Sachs. There is no capitalism without a strong state (and there never has been one), they will aither perish together, or not at all. 
 
G. M. Tamás is a Hungarian philosopher, politician and publicist. He studied philosophy and classical philology in Romania. He was one of the most important opponents of Hungarian and Romanian real-socialism. He has taught in Budapest (ELTE, CEU) and was a visiting professor at many universities (Oxford, Chicago, Georgetown, Yale, Columbia, a. o.). He also worked as a visiting research fellow in many cities (Paris, Vienna, Berlin, Washington DC). At the beginning of the 90s he was the head of the Institute of Philosophy of the Hungarian Academy. His works have been translated in 14 languages. His main interest is political philosophy. In the middle of the 90s he became one of the leading leftist intellectuals in Europe. He was the President of the Green Left. One year ago he held a speech on the first night of the occupation of the Philosophical Faculty.


The lecture will be in English without translation. 
The lecture is supported by the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation.
 
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